Over the years that I’ve been running around the clinical research circuit, I’ve heard countless references to raters verbally rephrasing COA items, or parts of items, to clarify their meaning for patients.
It is not a myth. Most of us know it happens. What we do not know is how often it happens, because it is not formally measured. We also do not know, in any concrete way, what effect it has on trial data. It may introduce noise. It may also, in some cases, reduce noise by rescuing an otherwise unusable translation, at least in part. Either way, once an already approved wording has to be orally reconstructed at the site level, the consistency in translation is outside of the controlled workflow.
As the translation industry adage goes, a translation is only as good as its translator. In the context of clinical trials, a translation is also only as good as the assumptions built into the scope of work, the register chosen for the target population, the extent of localization permitted by the sponsor’s internal policies, and the feedback loop between the teams producing the text and the teams using it with patients.
This feedback loop is often weak or non-existent. We sometimes see pre-trial edits from independent translation reviews. We sometimes see late-stage comments from sponsor reviewers. But we rarely get systematic feedback from where it matters most: the research sites. Cognitive debriefing cleans up a lot of errors, but in its standard form, it is simply not thorough enough to catch everything. Yet we rarely learn what did not work locally, why it did not work, and whether investigators had to verbally replace the approved wording with something patients could actually understand.
A translation of a clinical outcome measure is a living thing, in the same way that a newly created assessment is. One that has not yet been tested across multiple demographic groups in the country of origin, or proven in what it measures across those groups. The translation can be perfectly worded, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that it will do its job equally well, or at all, in a new language and cultural context. The expectation should be that translations will need to be revised and updated as they are used over time across multiple demographics in the new target languages. Hence, the feedback loop is critical for supporting maintenance of this kind of content.
This became especially interesting in the context of Hindi.
Over the last several years, we noticed what seemed to be a decline in requests for Hindi translations for India, while Tamil, Kannada, Gujarati, Marathi, Malayalam and Telugu continued with strong traction in clinical trial scopes. Punjabi and Bengali also appeared, though always with lighter frequency. Hindi was not absent, but it no longer seemed to be the automatic headliner it once was.
This is only an observation from Santium’s own project flows. It may not reflect the wider market. Hindi may have been sourced elsewhere. Many commonly used outcome measures are already available in Hindi. But that explanation is only partly satisfying, because the same should also be true for other major Indian languages. Whatever the reason, the shift registered.
Why is Hindi – a language recorded as the mother tongue of more than 43% of India’s population – not always included in the linguistic validation scope of work for clinical trials planned across India?
Some time later, a clue to this apparent decline came by coincidence.
I was at a conference, and tuned in to a conversation at the next table among an international group of research site investigators, some of whom were from India. They were discussing the quality of translations reaching the sites. The Indian clinicians were especially not enamoured with Hindi translations of PROs. Their view was that they were “not very usable.” Why? Because it was the “wrong language.” The rest of the group nodded, and the conversation steered to other challenges.
The wrong language?
At the time, I did not fully understand what that meant. What I found opened a part of the linguistic world that we probably should have known about much earlier. My team and I had made the same assumptions Westerners tend to make: that a major language used within a country can be used more or less the way English, French, German or Spanish are used across their linguistic territories. Hindi certainly cannot, and here I’ll explain why.
Hindi in India's Multilingual Context
Hindi is spoken across northern and central India by about 528 million people. But it is not a single shared language. The census category includes a broad grouping of Hindi varieties and related regional speech forms, alongside formal Standard Hindi. This means that a speaker counted under “Hindi” may not speak the same kind of Hindi that appears in a translated PRO, consent form, or patient diary.
Another Western misconception is that Hindi is India’s national language. India does not have a national language; Hindi is one of India’s official languages, alongside English and 20 other languages. And for decades now, in places other than the North, there has been a strong resistance to adopting Hindi as a national language. It is political, of course. Language always is, especially in a country as large and multilingual as India. But the resistance is also practical.
Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, and other southern Indian languages are distinctly different. They use different writing systems, follow different grammatical structures, and belong to different linguistic traditions. For speakers of those languages, Hindi is not a neutral bridge. It may be a second or third language, a school subject, a TV language, or a language negatively associated with northern dominance.
In clinical trials, patient-facing languages need to be patient-friendly. It is about communication with the clinician about intimately private health matters and management of fear, where the use of language supports trust, comprehension of complex medical procedures, and compliant participation.
Hindi: A Dialectal Spectrum
The Western assumptions and misconceptions I mentioned above result in the most common mistake in Hindi translation. We were delivering translations in Standard Hindi.
Standard Hindi is highly Sanskritized. It uses many words derived from Sanskrit, the ancient classical language of India. In classical terms, Sanskrit is to India what Latin is to Europe. Sanskrit gives Hindi a highly polished, academic quality, but it is far away from everyday speech. Modern spoken Hindi has a broad dialectal spectrum, and historically, India has had large differences in educational access.
Standard Hindi is appropriate for government documents, legal texts, school curricula, media, and official communication. But its formal register can create comprehension problems for people with limited formal education or limited exposure to institutional Hindi. This is especially relevant to older adults and women from communities where educational access has historically been more restricted.
A rough English analogy would be the difference between:
Do you feel sad?
and
Are you experiencing persistent affective disturbances?
In clinical trials, a patient may be able to read and understand enough formal Hindi for basic communication, but struggle to engage with and respond to questions when medical, psychological, or research concepts are presented in its formal language.
Which Hindi, Then?
That someone should be a clinician, not a translator. Medical translators are trained in translation, and some also in linguistics. Medical translation is a specialty they get into later on, in most cases without formal education in anything clinical. They can certainly produce a clean, fluent and terminologically correct translation. However, they do not have equal depth of experience in the communication style between doctors and patients, and how trust is built between them. Hence, they may miss important nuances, phrases doctors use to clarify questions, and euphemisms doctors may use to neutralize stigmatized concepts. The “common Hindi translation” refers to a lower register. So that the language is not wrong. One of our Hindi medical translators, Tara Jain, offered advice on briefing translators.[The dialects] depend on where the sites are. Produce a common Hindi translation, not the formal kind. Then, have it reviewed by someone from that region. – Vikas Mohan Sharma, MD, personal communication, 2026
We can modify Hindi to a lower accessible register for patients. But you have to ask for it. It is not automatic. And many sponsors don’t do it because when we modify the text, we have to change the source text in the CAT tool, so the source matches the target. And that’s generally against their [translation] policies. – Tara Jain, Hindi and Urdu medical translator, personal communication, 2026For those outside of the translation and localization industry, a CAT tool refers to computer-assisted translation software. In its most basic form, imagine an Excel sheet with two columns. In the left column, each row is populated by the source text, sentence by sentence. Translators type the translated text in the right column. The tool then restructures the content back into its original format. When the translation comes to the research sites in the “wrong language”, clinicians make those modifications verbally. They use phrases, idioms, and words that replace Standard Hindi content to capture responses that a colloquial translation could.
Hindi vs. English: What About the Clinicians?
Doctors in India are educated in English. Fluency in English is generally not a problem, especially by the time they qualify to participate in trials. – Vikas Mohan Sharma, MD, personal communication, 2026Going forward, the landscape may be changing as India promotes more local-language and bilingual education, including in professional training. But in today’s international trial environment, Dr. Sharma’s point still holds. This is highly relevant for clinician-reported and instructional materials. Documents completed entirely by the clinician can be provided in English. But many clinician-administered assessments also include interview guides, scripted prompts and probes. When the clinician has to ask the patient a scripted question, read a prompt aloud or explain a response option, those must be translated and adapted to the local spoken variety of Hindi.
We still don’t know the concrete reason behind the decline in requests for Hindi in clinical trials. Our theory is that sponsors, or their eCOA providers, may have modified translations internally with the help of research sites. Or, Standard Hindi is still being supplied and verbally modified at the sites. It would be better if the feedback loop extended back to the language service provider. Especially after the translation hits the sites.
We maintain project histories, record revisions and reasons for them, along with translation memories. The maintenance of the translated content lifecycle is an important part of reducing redundant translation work, the burden on sites to verbally modify, and the noise in data sets that inconsistent verbal modifications can produce.
How Santium Contributes to This Space
Santium provides specialized translation and cross-cultural research services focused on adapting and validating scientific, medical and technical content. We deliver translated materials that work as intended across languages and cultures through translation, linguistic validation, and subject-matter specialist engagement, preserving meaning, functionality, usability, and, where applicable, measurement integrity in real-world applications and settings.
Modern COA development, selection and eCOA implementations increasingly depend on understanding how physicians, patients and caregivers address and describe symptoms, treatment experience, functioning, burden of illness, burden of care, and quality of life within their own linguistic and cultural frameworks.
Santium contributions to the Life Sciences industry are designed to support the global implementation of patient-centered endpoints and patient-facing research materials. We do this through multilingual patient and stakeholder interviewing, cross-cultural evidence gathering, local subject-matter expert engagement, and measurement-aware linguistic and cultural adaptation.
Drawing on expertise in psychometrics, thousands of linguistic validation projects, multilingual interviewing, and multinational study operations, Santium helps sponsors and researchers evaluate whether patient-facing concepts remain relevant, clinically meaningful, culturally appropriate, and operationally usable across languages, countries, and modes of administration.
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About the Author
Monika Vance | Managing Director | SANTIUM
My work sits at the intersection of linguistics, scientific and medical translation, psychometric measurement, and multilingual operations, where terminology, usability, end-user experience, and regulatory context must align. I write about scientific and medical translations, psychometrics, languages, patient-centred research and the operational challenges that inevitably come with them. I also teach translators how to properly translate and validate complex psychometric instruments to hone their expertise in linguistic validation.
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References
Census of India. (2011). C-16: Population by mother tongue. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/42458
Constitution of India. (1950). Article 343: Official language of the Union. https://www.constitutionofindia.net/articles/article-343-official-language-of-the-union/
Department of Official Language. (1963). The Official Languages Act, 1963. Government of India. https://rajbhasha.gov.in/en/official-languages-act-1963
Government of India, Ministry of Education. (2020). National Education Policy 2020. https://www.education.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/NEP_Final_English_0.pdf
Government of India, Ministry of Education. (2022). Education in mother tongue. Press Information Bureau. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1847061
Jeyashri, M. (2024). Language of instruction in Indian medical education. National Journal of Physiology, Pharmacy and Pharmacology. https://pesquisa.bvsalud.org/portal/resource/pt/sea-240317
Kachru, B. B. (1983). The Indianization of English: The English language in India. Oxford University Press.
Kachru, B. B. (1986). The alchemy of English: The spread, functions, and models of non-native Englishes. Pergamon Press.
Masica, C. P. (1991). The Indo-Aryan languages. Cambridge University Press.
Medical Dialogues. (2026, April 15). MBBS in bilingual mode: Govt says NMC CBME integrates English with regional languages. https://medicaldialogues.in/news/education/mbbs-in-bilingual-mode-govt-says-nmc-cbme-integrates-english-with-regional-languages-168725
National Medical Journal of India. (2024). Medical education in Hindi and indigenous languages in India: Issues and challenges. https://nmji.in/medical-education-in-hindi-and-indigenous-languages-in-india-issues-and-challenges/
Schiffman, H. F. (1996). Linguistic culture and language policy. Routledge.
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, Department of Linguistics. (n.d.). About Hindi. https://linguistics.illinois.edu/languages/hindi/about-hindi
Monika Vance
Managing Director | SANTIUM
My work sits at the intersection of linguistics, scientific and medical translation, psychometric measurement, and multilingual operations, where terminology, usability, and regulatory context must align. I write about scientific and medical translations, psychometrics, languages, patient-centred research and the operational challenges that inevitably come with them. I also teach translators how to properly translate and validate complex psychometric instruments to hone their expertise in linguistic validation.